Plural (3) - Maaf sedang di edit

When Muslims and Hindus arrived in Suriname they maintain friendly relationship with each other. They were alien to this strange land and much uncertainty surrounded them, thus they cemented relationship since they were all sons and daughter of Hindustan. It was not uncommon to find them ateach others birth, weddings, death, religious ceremonies and celebrating holidays together. Muslimshave been keen to respect old customs by respecting the religious sanctity of Hindus. They did not cook beef and made vegetarians meals for the upper class Hindus. Munshi Rahman Khan, a devout Muslim was also a champion of Hindu culture and quickly he became a Ramayana teacher. Rahman became famous in Suriname and many flocked to him to learn to read the Ramayana. After arriving at his assigned plantation, Khan was invited for the evening Katha by Pandit Janki Prasad. Pandit was already aware that Khan can read the Ramayana, and without hesitation asked Khan to recite, Khan was however, hesitant since he was a Muslim and once he was lectured for touching the book. After, reading for three hours, Pandit Prasad presented many gifts to Khan. There was a raged to learn the Ramayana and Khan quickly got over thirty students. This in essence capsulate Hindu/Muslim relationship during the early period of indentureship.

After the arrival of the Arya Samajis in 1929 in Suriname, friction developed within the Hindu community. “By the early 1920s Hindu-Muslim conflict, which had been steadily growing with the onset of British rule, witnessed a sudden upsurge, with the emergence of numerous aggressive communal bodies and movements. In 1922, the Hindu revivalist Arya Samaj launched a well-organised campaign to bring the Muslim back to Hinduism also know as shuddi (cleansing). They targeted large number of Muslim groups that had still retained many customs and practices associated with their preconversion Hindu past. In a few months they claimed to have made several hundred thousand such converts. Muslim leaders reacted with panic at the news, and several efforts were launched for tabligh, or Islamic mission, aiming principally at bringing back the apostates into the Muslim fold and to prevent further conversions to Hinduism by spreading Islamic awareness among non-Muslims The tabligh jamat was only one of several such Islamic missionary groups that were launched at this time in response to the Arya challenge, but it was the only one to outlive its founder and grow into a global movement.”

Sinha-Kerkhoff and Bal translated a newspaper article written by a journalist, B.R.A. Sovan in which he claims that in Suriname the Arya Samaj main goal was “sudhi,” a movement to reclaim or reconvert former Hindus now in Islam or Christianity; and since Muslims were very resistant and ignored their call the Arya Samajis leaders became bitter.64 Muslim leadership under men such as Munshi Rahman Khan, Janab Asghar Ali, Imam Kallan Mian, Maulana Hafiz Ahmad Khan, Janab Kazi Ahmad Ali, among others who engaged the Arya Samajis in intense debates. As well, the Arya Samajis could not make coverts out of Muslims and that enraged them.

In Suriname, the Sanathan Dharm and the Arya Samajis were at each other’s throat because of
attempt by the Arya Samaj to win converts. Initially, there was verbal and physical conflict between
these two groups. The Arya Samajis wanted to control the Sanatans, but eventually they accepted each
other, allowing visits and marriages among their children. This harmony was short lived. During this
time the Muslim kept friendly ties with both groups. In 1931, publicly the Arya Samajis leader,
Shukdev verbally attacked the Sanatis and the Muslims. “He even remarked that the Quran was not the
ultimate truth and was incorrect.”66 Swiftly, the Muslims confronted him. With the Satyarth Prakash
and the Quran, Rahman Khan and his son Suleiman Khan visited Sukhdev and confronted him about his
remarks, however, Sukhdev denied the entire episode alleging that the Bible contained many flaws.
Suleiman in an attempt to embarrass Sukhdev offered him one hundred dollars to “decipher” the
meaning of a verse, knowing fully well that Sukhdev can’t read Arabic.67
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The Hindu/Muslim tension was brought to the attention of the Bharrat Uday Committee, a Pan-
Indian organization in 1931. Maulana Ahmad Khan, a member of Bharrat Uday who could not attend a
meeting that took place on April 19, 1931 requested that Rahman Khan write a letter to the Chairman,
Ramprasad to identify “the perpetrators” responsible for the conflicts among the Hindustani community.
Rahman Khan penned the letter in Hindi since Ramprasad could not read Urdu, however Maulana
Ahmad Khan only knew Urdu. Ahmad Khan and Ramprasad were influential leaders of Bharrat Uday.68
Bharrat Uday however, was torn into two factions along religious lines and failed to effectively address
or solve the Hindu/Muslim tension because the organization was dominated by Arya Samajis and sixtyfive
Muslims who wanted to join the organization were rejected.69
A verbal exchange between a Muslim and a Hindu in 1933 further strained tense relationship. At a
Muslim wedding Imam Kallan Mian and Babu Puroshottam Singh “got involved in an altercation” and
the Hindus left the wedding without eating. Vegetarian meal was prepared for them. Kallan Mian was
at fault and two weeks later he admitted to his mistake and apologized to Puroshottam Singh. They both
made peace with a handshake, and sharing tea and a cigarette, however this peace gesture did not end
the conflict. The instigators were bent in fomenting Hindu/Muslim confrontation. They demanded that
Kallan Mian apologized to the entire Hindu community. Quickly rumors spread in Livorno that the
Muslims were always mixed beef with mutton and feeding it to the Hindus. At the house of Nagesh and
Sahati Bahadur it was decided to boycott the Muslims.70 A number of committees were set up to resolve
the issues but their attempts were unsuccessful. The Brahmins demanded that if they accepted the
Muslim demand the food must be prepared by Hindus, however the Muslims proposed that half of the
cooks must be Muslims. This did not go well with the Hindus because of the Brahmins leading the flock
refused to compromise. To up stage the Brahmins, the Muslims went for the juggler by demanding that
they cease eating or accepting gifts from lower castes, stop keeping their women, refrain from eating
meat and eggs, consuming alcohol and selling their cows to butchers and then they will agree to their
demands. They did not reach a resolution and the conflict continued to brew.71
As Bakra Eid (Eid-ul-Azah) approached, rumor went out that the Muslims intended to slaughter
a cow but according to Khan this was just rumor. There was no such intention asserted Khan. News
spread that the Hindus were collecting money to slaughter a pig on Bakra Eid. Money was collected by
upper caste Hindus in Livorno. This was against the holy books of the Hindus but not in conflict with
the Quran, Muslims argued. The Muslim argued that the Hindus killed, while they sacrifice (qurbani) in
accordance with their religious injunctions. Nine months before Bakra Eid the Hindus boycotted the
Muslims and on one occasion a chammar, Biseshar who refused to go along with the boycott came
under attacked by six chamars. A Muslim, Habib went to his rescue, and Habib was beaten to death.
The Hindu community appealed to the colonial authorities to ban the killing of cows unsuccessfully, and
in1933 the day of Bakra Eid, the Muslim went ahead and sacrificed a cow while the Hindus took out a
procession with flags and killed a pig near a mosque.72 This rage could have become bloody and
sensing this, “the government sent troops to control the situation at the site of the slaughter. They forced
the mob to disperse within minutes leaving all their drums and flags scattered.”73 Elsewhere in
Suriname, the government troops guarded places of sacrifices. The Hindus felt defeated with the
government backing of the Muslims and employed some other strategies to avenge the cow killing. The
cow slaughtering upheaval threatened the Hindu Muslim peace in Suriname. There was fear that
Suriname would become embroiled in communalism like India. Muslims were aware of communal
conflicts in India. Khan writes, “On 26 March 1934, cows were sacrificed in Ayodhyapuri and riots
broke out between Hindus and Muslims. Shops belonging to Muslims were looted and their houses were
burnt.”74
Some Hindu leaders of the Sanathan, Pandits Paltan and Jadhunath were at the forefront looking
to convert Muslims to Hinduism. The Muslims confronted the Sanathan leaders, and asked, “What do
you get by converting poor foolish Muslims who never even knew their religion?”75 He continued, “You
should accept a knowledgeable Muslim in your fold so that your fame and religion would increase in
status.”76 Pandit replied, “Through the conversion of the illiterates, I received money and their services
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as well.”77 This development led to the division of the first Hindustani organization of Suriname,
Bharrat Uday. Two Muslim organization in 1934 Anjuman Islam and Hidayat Islam under the
leadership of Janab Ashgar Ali attempted to unite the two communities. Several meetings did not result
in any resolutions. The Sanathans did not invite the Arya Samajis, and the Hindus demanded the end of
cow slaughtering, while the Muslims demanded that the boycott against them be lifted before they
refrained from cow sacrificing during bakra eid. In the district of Nickerie, where Hindus are majority,
the slaughtering of cows was banned by the local government.78
Putting aside their differences, Pandit Paltan at the helm of the Sanatans sought the support of
Babu Heerasingh who was the chairman of the Arya Dewarkar since they could not stop the cow
sacrificing in 1934. These two groups who condemned each other publicly were now united in their
effort to antagonize Hindu/Muslim relationship but history prove that this alliance did not last and
eventually the Hindus were embroiled in their own bitter conflicts . On April 1st, 1934 the two groups
met at the Arya Dewarkar and passed an eleven- point resolution against the Muslims. By 1934 both the
Arya Samaj and the Sanatis were united in the anti-Muslim boycott and the ban on cow killing.79
Interestingly, the Arya Samaj employed the same tactics in Fiji which led to conflict with the Muslims
there. Ali writes, “Arya Samaj formed the Sangathan Movement in Fiji and began the onslaught on
Muslims through a string of social and commercial boycotts.”80 Besides Khan’s account, the Hindu
boycott of the Muslims is documented by DeKlerk and Biswamitre.81 The edict read as follows:
1. Stop all business dealings with Muslims
2. Stop greeting each other
3. Cease giving and receiving invitations from them
4. Refrain from sharing water from the same well
5. Stop talking to them
6. Hindu women should discontinue help in Muslim delivery cases
7. Avoid giving alms to Muslim beggars and saints
8. Make Hindu beggars refuse alms from Muslims
9. Stop visiting Muslim homes
10. Prevent Hindus and Muslims from walking in each other’s death processions
11. Do not allow Muslims to partake in the last rites of a Hindu82
The boycott was emotionally devastating to Muslims and marked a dark chapter in Hindu/Muslim
relationship in the Suriname. It was an economic pact among the Hindus that was meant to hurt the
Muslims economically; however it was unsuccessful and led to more mistrust between Hindus and
Muslims.
In Paramaribo the Hindu leaders rode high on this edict hoping to capture the anti-Muslim
sentiments of the time. They purchased a large plot of land in Paramaribo for the establishment of a
Hindu bazaar. “The bazaar was ready and equipped within one night and early next morning it was
open to everyone except the Muslims.” This displayed the solidarity that existed among the Hindus in
their attempt to antagonize the Muslims; however the government intervened by ordering the closure of
the bazaar and punished the ring leaders. Governor Kielstra was fully aware of the conflict in India
between Hindus and Muslims. As well, Munshi Rahman Khan was very aware of the cow slaughtering
issue that was simmering in his motherland and it provoked him to take actions in Suriname. Khan
received letters and newspapers from India and he was keen in not letting communalism engulf his new
homeland, Suriname. It was during the governorship of Kielstra, 1933 to 1943 that communal
bloodletting in India was at an all time high. Hindu and Muslims leaders in Suriname were very much
in touch with the motherland via local ethnic Hindu and Muslims newspapers that they received from
the motherland. Back in the homeland, cow killing had caused great communal tensions that led to
violence and Suriname was not spare this ordeal. However, in Suriname it was not bloody. Many
Hindus did not abide with the boycott. They continued their close ties with the Muslims, and in no
severe term did the ban affect the Muslims, however it did cause more mistrust between the two
communities. Eventually, the pact between the Aryas and Sanatis did not last. By the end of 1934 they
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were physically man handling each other. This friction according Khan was a result a few Brahmins
who suddenly reclaim their status after arriving in Suriname. “Let’s not forget that they were the said
people who pontificated with untouchable’s women, eat meat and sat next to Muslims.”83
Conflicts over Political Representation
Suriname is a secular state that is neutral to all religions. Some argue that the Quran does not demand
the establishment of an Islamic state. Muslim in Suriname view Islam as a personal battle to make
oneself better and not a means of establishing an Islamic state. They are equal citizens in a plural and
multi-religious Suriname with pragmatic visions void of separatist mentality that has plagued the Indian
subcontinent.Surinamese Muslims are not poor, illiterate, and backward like their brethren in South
Asia. Interestingly, they do not view the world as Darul-Islam and dar-ul-harab. They have sought
religious, political and economic cooperation with other ethnic and religious group. Their support of a
secular state is not in violation of Islamic injunctions, and in the past they have bargain with the state
taking advantages of the spaces and freedom it offers. For example in the 1940s they successfully
lobbied the state to adopt aspect of Sharia Law. Governor Kielstra by decree adopted the Asian
Marriage Decree Many law makers challenged the motion in Staten and the governor was accused of
favoring the Asians. However, in 2003 Suriname’s National Assembly adopted the Adhin Law or the
Marriage Revision Act which Muslims supported. Muslims have been granted Eid-ul-Fitr a national
holiday and government employee can take half day on Fridays to attend the Jumma Namaz. Today,
Surinamese Muslims continue to enjoy the freedom of being able to fulfill their religious obligations in
this secular republic.
Muslims have always had an active political life in Suriname for Islam does not separate
religion, and politics. In fact, Islam urges Muslims to be active in their society and to serve the interest
of all; Muslims must be involved in politics. So it is not surprising that the first political party in
Suriname was founded by Muslims. The Muslim Party founded by Ashgar Karamat Ali had a religious
and secular platform. Going back to the 1940’s, the Muslims were torn between the VHP and the
National Party of Suriname (NPS). Some of the earliest Muslims in politics were Ashgar Karamat Ali
of the SIV who entered the Staten in 1967 to 1973, M.S. Nurmohammed, S. Rassam, T. A. Ahmad Ali
of the SIV, (VHP)- Minister of Social Affairs 1969-73, Soemita of the KTPI, S. A. Soeperman (KTPI),
Minister of Economic Affairs, was a member of the Pengel government 1973, Islam Radja of the SMA,
H. Nurmohamed (SMA). Willy Soemita, Indonesian, (LVV) in 1973 entered the National Assembly.
Amat Rahim, an Indonesia, (KTPI) entered National Assembly in 1973; S.P. Soemoharjdo (NPS) an
Indonesian, entered the National Assembly in 1973. There are many Muslims since 1975 who have been
members of the National Assembly and in various cabinets, and are too numerious to mention
After World War II the Dutch government began to democratize the Staten and invited local
politicians for constitutional reform talk in the Netherlands. In 1945, a delegation from Suriname was
appointed to travel to the Netherlands to be part of the autonomy talks. The Hindus and the Javanese
were angered that only Christians were part of the delegation and eventually a Hindu and a Javanese
were included. This was unacceptable to the Muslims and there was an outcry because no Muslims were
invited. The delegation was made up of four Christians and one Hindu. Asgar Karmat Ali, a member of
the National Assembly and a notary clerk up the political ante. “Setting up the Muslim Partij (MP) in
May 1946,” he claimed to speak for both Javanese and Hindustani Muslims.84 Ashgar Ali was a member
of Bharrat Uday and that organization had had a history of Hindu Muslim friction Ali was keen that
Hindustani Muslims not be yoked with their Hindu countrymen. Islam was the basis for the party
platform. He called for universal suffrage and some sort of autonomy beginning at the village level. The
Muslims quickly sent a cable to the Dutch queen demanding representation since they were “sixty
thousand Muslims in Suriname.”85 (60). and with the “intervention of the Dutch Minister of Overseas
Affairs, the Staten hastily included a Javanese Muslim.”86
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Following the Muslim move, the Hindus and Catholics founded their own parties. The Catholics
founded Unie Suriname, which became National Party of Suriname (NPS) in 1946 and led by J. Pengel
from 1959 to 1969. NPS were founded and they tried to appeal to all races and religious groups. Since
the 1930 the rivalries between the Hindustanis groups continued. “The proselytizing rivalry between
members the orthodox Hindu Sanatan Dharm and the more reformist Arya Samaj had become intense
since the 1930’s and had continued so through the 1940’s.”87 The Suriname Hindoe Partij (SHP) was
founded in 1947 followed by the Hindostans-Javaanse Politieke Partij (H-JPP). Some Javanese who
were former members of the Muslim Party joined the HJPP and the KTPI leaders accused them of
selling out the Javanese to the Hindustanis. Leader of the Arya Samaj, J.S. Mungra attacked the Hindu
party as narrow minded and not having any Aryans in its leadership.
Taking examples from the Creoles and Hindustanis, coupled with developments in their
homeland, Indonesia, the Javanese became “politicized”88, In 1947, the Kaum Tani Persatuan Indonesia
Party (KTPI) was founded by Iding Soemita with the assistance of Ashgar Karamat Ali. The party’s
aimed to reawaken and mobilize the Javanese socially, culturally and economically. Later, Salikin M.
Hardjo left the Unie Surinam Party to form the Pergerakan Bangsa Indonesia Suriname (PBIS) in April
of 1947.89 This party was made up of a mixture of reformists and moderates, traditionalists and
Christian Javanese who were more educated than KTPI members.90
The Asian parties “demanded more civil jobs, the removal of the derogatory term coolie, more
agricultural lands, roads, credits, agricultural extension programs and asked for a more sympathetic
treatment towards Asians”91 Fearing Asian domination of the political landscape, the Creoles opposed
Asian universal suffrage and some favorable amendments by Governor Kielstra. From 1940- 1950, the
Hindus and Muslims had an antagonistic political relationship as well. The Muslims were keen not to be
swallowed by the Hindus and had a pact with the VHP of sharing power according to a 2:1
proportionality, but by 1950 the division became apparent. As we approached the 21st century, the
unwritten law of allotting two cabinet position to the Muslim, one going to the Ahmadis and the other to
the sunnis, remains the status quo more or less, however there are complains that Muslims are only
awarded one cabinet post these days. Muslim hardly sits on the executive board of the VHP, and do not
support the VHP as a block but can be found in the other political parties of Suriname.
In the 1950’s, Muslims and Hindu politicians verbally traded attacks at each other in the media
and the once secular VHP- Hindustani Party changed its name to Verenidge Hindoe Partij. Prior to
events leading up to 1950, all Hindu Staten members supported the government of Pengel; however the
only two Muslim in the Staten, Mohammed Radja and S. M. Jamaluddin supported the opposition.
Mohammed Radja was a VHP member but by 1950 the split among the Hindustanis grew wider when
he left that party. The VHP informed the Dutch government that Mohamed Radja no longer represented
that party and in a meeting with the Sanathan Dharm, Professor Dew in his book, The Difficult
Flowering of Suriname, quoted Lachmon as saying, “if I Lachmon, take no revenge on Mohamed
Radja and S. M. Jamaluddin , then am not a son of a Hindu.”92 In 1950 these men accused the VHP of
driving out the Christians and Muslims from the party. They also accused the party of undemocratic
maneuvering. “They warned that these forces were violating the established principle of 2-1
proportionality between Hindus and Moslems.”93 This led to the VHP selecting a Muslim candidate in
the October election, however that candidate did poorly which further inflamed Muslim and up the anti-
Hindu sentiments. Dew attributes this low point in Hindu Muslim relationship to the bloodshed leading
up to the division of India and the creation of Pakistan.94 Adding more discontent to the rocky
Hindu/Muslim relationship, Muslim parliamentarians who had long lobbied for an increase in the price
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of paddy, were not credited for this accomplishment. The Creole members of the NPS attributed this
development to Hindu Staten (parliament) members which further inflamed Mohammed Raja and S.M.
Jamaluddin. In fact, De West a local paper “replied that credit should really have gone to Mohamed
Radja.”95 An angry Jamaluddin then wrote an open letter to Lachmon:
And now you present yourself as a martyr, blaming…. You and Mungra are busy day and
night pumping the Hindus full of hate and revenge against the Moslems. The
consequence is that the Moslems are being boycotted in the districts and are being
unnecessarily harass and bothered by Hindus. Any action against us will be against all
Moslems.”96
Tension between the Muslims and the Hindus mounted in 1951. The split between the Hindus
and Muslims were obvious in January 1951 when the VHP change its name to Verenigde Hindoe Partij,
and ran only Hindu candidates in all districts but Commewijne when it shared a ticket with a Creole
coalition.97 Mohammed Radja and S. M. Jamaluddin joined the NPS but received the cold shoulder;
they were not place on the March election of the NPS ticket. They then joined the KTPI Indonesian
party in Saramacca and Paramaribo, however they were badly beaten by VHP candidates. In 1954,
when the VHP and NPS partnership was announced and that they will work to change the election law,
KTPI’s Ashgar Karamat Ali denounced the changes on the eve of an election and accused VHP of dirty
tricks. He called on Muslims to denounce the VHP, which grew a swift reply from the Aryan VHP
leader, J. S. Mungra:
“VHP has done everything possible to get Hindus and Moslems to work together
again…, a Hindu can never tolerate a Moslem to threaten him and sit on him. We are
not afraid of death. We can be born again”98
The electoral amendments were passed and a robust VHP Hindu vote supported Pengel.
Mounting Hindu pressure to stop cow slaughtering was influence by the communal mayhem in
India. Hindus, under the leadership of Jaggernauth Lachmon demanded that Muslim butchers stop cow
slaughtering in Hindu neighborhood, and he raised the issue with the government which ruled that it
had no jurisdiction on such matter. Hindus and Muslims do no live in separate communities in
Suriname. They are demographically integrated, thus it is impossible to differentiate a Hindu or a
Muslim residential community. The Javanese as well were embroiled in the cow slaughtering issue and
KTPI’s leader, Soemita demanded that an end to the slaughtering of pigs in Muslim areas. Friction with
the VHP-Hindus brought the KTPI on the side of the government. The KTPI were the power peg at that
time since they held the balance of power in the parliament.99 Later the Muslim will again seek
partnership with the VHP and to date that fragile coalition still exist. Muslim support to the VHP is
much fractured.
Relationship with the Islamic World
At people to people level, strong ties have always existed with the larger Islamic World. In spite of
geographical disadvantages and limited financial resources of an uprooted society from Asia to South
America, the Muslims of Suriname have maintained strong ties with the Islamic World since 1873.
Naturally, strong bonds exist between the local Muslims and Indonesia and with India and Pakistan
because it is from these countries that Surinamese Muslims originated from. Up to the 1920, they were
relatively isolated from the Islamic World until the coming of the Ahmadis. Locals were exuberant
when men such as Maulana Amir Ali, Maulana Shah Muhammad Abdul Aleem Siddiqi, Maulana
Ahmad Shah Noorani, and Maulana Ansari visited Suriname. Suriname is geographically at the Islamic
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periphery. Locals are eager to welcome any Islamic scholars to Suriname in an effort to renew the
teachings of Islam. The local Muslims leaders were yearning of an Islamic reawakening. They did not
question whether these Maulanas were Ahmadis, Shia, Sunnis or Ishmaelis, for them there was only one
Islam. One kalimah (shahadah) as one Suriname articulated it. It did not matter if they were Sunnis,
Shia, Ahmadis, Hindustanis, Arabs or Indonesians. They were unaware of the Ahmadi. They were only
Muslim and were not divided between shia and sunnis. It was only after World War II when Maulanas
from Pakistan arrived in Suriname that the locals were informed that the Ahmadis are not Muslims and
that their doctrines are in violations of the Quran and the sunna of the Prophet Muhammad. These
maulanas are well respect in Suriname and has been instrumental in clarifying theological issues. There
contribution to the development of Islam in Suriname is widely known among the locals. On the other
hand, they are blamed for the schism that exists among the Muslims of Suriname today. This
relationship with the maulanas has led to numerous maulanas from India and Pakistan coming to work
in Suriname to give theological support and to clarify issues relating to shariah.100 However, locals
were not ignorant that back in the motherland, India, there were sunnis and Shia Muslims. In fact, Shia
Muslims who came to Suriname from India were quickly neutralized by the majority sunnis. By the
1969’s the Shia observation of taziyah had disappeared in Suriname.
The Indonesians community is the most recent immigrants and they have maintained strong ties
with the motherland. The embassy of Indonesia in Paramaribo has been instrumental in forging cultural
ties with the local Indonesian population. The embassy regularly organized courses in dances, including
contemporary Javanese dances. They also offer elementary and advance courses in Bahasa Indonesia in
Paramaribo and in cities with a high concentration of Javanese. Most Indonesians heads of states and
Surinamese heads of states have visited each other’s country testifying to this vibrant relationship
between Suriname and Indonesia. The majority are Muslims while a handful have accepted the gospels
of the evangelists flooding the country from North America. It is in this back drop that the Indonesian
government has more recently has been active in educating and nurturing this diaspora outside of
Indonesia.
Since the 1960’s the Muslims have been drawn closer to the Islamic World partly due to mass
communication- proliferation of newspapers, television and now the internet. Dramatic events in the
past fifty years have helped in bring them closer to the Muslims world. They have spoken out on the
Russian invasion of Afghanistan, the Israeli Occupation of Palestinian, Israeli occupation of Lebanese
and Syrian land and more recently the conflicts in Kashmir, Chechnya, Bosnia, Kosova, Afghanistan
and Iraq. More recently, they held rallies in front of the US Embassy in Paramaribo protesting the US
invasion of Iraq, and in 2001, the Madjilies Moeslimien Suriname (MMS), renewed its solidarity with
the global umma when it declared, “our taughts are with the peoples of Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq and
the victims of diseases, poverty, hunger and ignorance in the Third World.”101 In that said statement,
MMA in alluding to Israeli “state sponsored” terrorism called for the EU and the UN to exert pressure to
end the Israeli occupation and illegal settlements in Palestine. They further exerted that “Palestinian
children and their parents are also entitled to calm and peace.”102 On the issue of Iraq all the major
organizations, SIV, SMA and MMS in 2003 with the support of former Surinamese President Jules
Wijdenbosch help to organize a protest rally against the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq. Some posters
read, “Bush, terrorist No: 1” 103
Suriname, the OIC and the Islamic Bank
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At the government to government level, Suriname since 1975 has maintained friendly ties with major
Islamic countries. There has been forever a natural fraternal relationship with Indonesia, the largest
Islamic country in the world, since 18% of Suriname population is made of people of Indonesian decent.
Libya is the only Arab-Islamic nation to maintain an embassy in Suriname, but in the 1990’s this
relationship was further enhanced because of the hard efforts of the Surinamese Muslims who pushed to
have Suriname join the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC). They played an active role in this
relationship. Since the 1990’s Suriname has established diplomatic ties with Oman, the United Arab
Emirates, Qatar, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. The majority of Surinamese
Muslims who have made it into the country’s national assembly were imams or leaders of mosques and
Islamic organizations. Most of them have had had a strong Islamic education. Thus, when these very
Muslims enter the National Assembly or were ministers in various cabinets, they work for and speak for
the needs of Islam and the Muslim community at large. Their efforts paid dividends when Suriname
became the first country in the Western Hemisphere to join the OIC in 1996 becoming the 55th member
of that organisation, and in 1997 Suriname also became a member of the Islamic Development Bank
(IsDB). In 1996, Suriname made a pragmatic move to establish diplomatic ties with the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia. This relationship Suriname hopes will facilitate exports and investments from Saudi
Arabia. Suriname is keen in attracting capital investors for the different Suriname sectors. Saudi Arabia
is also a member of the OIC, and is one of the largest shareholders of the IsDB.
Since becoming a member of the OIC, and especially during the presidency of Jules Wijdenbosch
relationship with the Islamic World grew rapidly. . In Tehran, the foreign minister of Suriname met his
Iranian counterpart, Kamal Kharazi on the sidelines of the 8th summit of the OIC in 1997. Praising
Iran, the foreign minister of Suriname expressed pleasure for attending the OIC Summit in Tehran.
Briefing Kharazi on economic conditions in Suriname, the Suriname foreign minister expressed hope
that his country will begin cooperation in industrial and oil sectors with Iran. He also asked for
expansion of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Welcoming the proposal Kharazi
expressed Iran’s readiness in cooperation with Suriname in the fields of interests of both countries.104
Iran then appointed an ambassador to Suriname.
Since becoming a member of the OIC, many Arabic speaking countries are keen in learning
more about Suriname and help in its development. More recently, in New York in October of 2005,
Sheikh Abdullah Bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the leader of Qatar requested a meeting with Suriname’s
President Venetian. Oil rich Qatar wants to explore areas of cooperation with Suriname in areas of oil
and water “Many countries have shown an interest forging economic ties with Suriname and we are
looking to cooperate with them.” says President Venetian.105 President Venetian visited Qatar in March
2009 to addend the Arab South American Summit. Qatar is interesting in cooperating with Suriname in
the oil sector. Suriname has a fledging oil industry.
Surinamese Muslims are doctors, lawyers, engineers, teachers, bankers, entrepreneurs and
diplomats and the government is tapping this human resource to put a focus on economic diplomacy by
using its religious ties with the Muslim World to emphasize economic diplomacy. After a year in the
IsDB, Suriname joined the highest levels of this organization; its former Central Bank Governor, Henk
Goedschalk was elected First Vice Chairman of the IsDB for 1999 at a meeting of the IsDB Board of
Governors. Henk Goedschalk was elected First Vice Chairman of the IsDB for 1999 during its annual
meeting of the Board of Governors. He is now replaced by Mr. Andre Tetling and Mr. Hendrik Asgarali
Alim Mahomed. This led to an IsDB delegation who visited Suriname in 1999 and again in 2005 to
discuss various projects. Besides government officials that they met, two professors from the University
and advisors to the government, Mr. Hassankhan and Mr. Nur Mohammed sat with the visitors to trash
21
out some of these projects. Another visit took place in February 2005 by Mr. Mohammad Reza Yousef
Khan who came to take a first hand look at the Zanderij and Nickerie project which eventually was
approved at the June 2005 IsDB governor’s meeting in Malaysia. The IsDB's main goal is to promote
economic growth and social progress in the member states of the OIC. Suriname's purpose in joining
this organization is to find new sources for financing development projects. Besides current projects that
were being implemented for that year, Suriname submitted 15 projects totaling US$ 160 million for
1999-2003. However, when the Venetian government came to power they were skeptical about ties
with the Islamic world and they did not engage the OIC seriously. This only happened during the
second term of President Venetian. An indication of this change was the presence of a large Surinamese
delegation to the 10th Summit of the OIC in Dakar, Senegal in 2008 headed by its Foreign Minister,
Lygia L.I. Kraag-Keteldijk.
Due a thaw in relationship with the OIC during the Venetian presidency, Suriname has managed
to get the IsDB Bank to fund only four projects in this tiny South American country. Suriname first
appointed Mr. Lall Mohammed as special enjoy to the OIC and currently that post is held by Mr.Rafiek
Chiragally and Maurits HassanKhan who have all at different periods attended OIC summits and foreign
minister conferences across the world representing Suriname. Now Suriname has demonstrated
consistency, diligence, and put in place man power to maintain strong ties with the Middle East. Since
becoming a member of the OIC and the IsDB, many visits were made my Surinamese diplomats to
various Islamic countries such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Turkey, Mali,
Burkina Faso and Yemen. There a person at the Surinamese Foreign Ministry who handles OIC affairs.
This consorted have brought some tangible benefits to Suriname but a more serious engagement with the
OIC and the IsDB can yield more benefits for Suriname.
So far the IsDB is financing two infrastructural and two health projects in Suriname. In
February, the Ministry of Transport, Communication and Tourism (TCT) signed a Memorandum of
Understanding (MOU) with a delegation of the IsDB for the purchase of radar equipment to help air
traffic controllers monitor flights within a radius of 220 miles. This project was approved at the
governor’s meeting in Malaysia in June, 2005 and the Saudi Arabia-based IsDB agreed to loan Suriname
US$23.5 million to pay for the new airport radar system. This radar navigation system will improve air
traffic safety at Suriname's international airport.106 The IsDB and the Surinamese Government also
signed a MOU for the rehabilitation and expansion of the New Nickerie Harbor. The bank will finance
US$10 million for this project, and more recently allotted an additional 5 million to for the project. The
ministry of Regional Development and Public Health of Suriname are in cooperation with the IsDB to
execute a health project in Suriname’s hinterland. With this project, the primary health care in the
interior of Suriname will be improved. This project envision the building of twenty one new standard
outpatient clinics and 57 personnel houses for the benefit of health workers, three health centers and
three landing sites on various locations. The IsDB has also agreed to finance the building of a Radio
Therapeutics center for cancer treatment in the Paramaribo Academic Hospital.107 This project and the
one above will cost a total sum of approximately 16 million US dollars. Suriname is now asking the
IsDB to open a local office here with a local representative and if Guyana becomes a member of the
IsDB it will be more reason for the IsDB to have a local representation in South America. This step will
ensure execution of projects and foster closer ties with the bank and the Islamic world.
Conclusion
Surinamese Muslims came from West Africa, Hindustan and Indonesia, and coexisted peacefully
among Hindus and Christians, Creoles, Whites and Jews. However, in the early period of indentureship
22
communalism embroiled the Hindustani community after the Arya Samaj launched its reform program
to reform and mobilize the Hindu community which disrupted the tranquil Hindu/Muslim relationship
that existed in Suriname since 1873. The Arya Samaj’s shuddi mantra, to return Muslims to the Hindu
fold angered the Muslims community and led to verbal confrontations between Muslim and the Hindu
leaders. When Surinamese Muslims arrived from Hindustan they were united but later they became
divided into Javanese and Hindustanis, Ahmadiyya and Sunnis. And with the founding of the SIV in the
1920s, it waged a long battle to educate the public about Islam, fought for political representations of
Muslims, undertook dawah work and established many social-welfare programs to benefit the Muslims.
Also, they have written extensively on Islam and Surinamese Muslims. Interestingly, when the some
learned Muslims discovered the SIV had been penetrated by the doctrines of the Ahmadiyya, it led to
verbal confrontations and debates. This schism led to the establishment of other organizations; however
division among Surinamese Muslims has not ended but has exacerbated because organizations compete
against each other rather than compliment each other. It is evident that Muslim organizations in
Suriname are more divided than ever. Muslims are very active in politics, but are divided in their
political allegiance and are found in all political parties. In the period, 1940-1960s there was
Hindu/Muslim friction as they competed for political power. Muslim felt dominated by Hindus and left
to support other political parties especially the Creole parties, eventually some returned to the VHP
Hindu party who today allots one cabinet seat to the Muslims. Suriname today enjoys fraternal
relationship with the Islamic World since it joined the OIC and the IsDB. As we move into the late 20th
century, the Muslim community faces many challenges such as how to preserve Islam in a multireligious
and ethnic community in an ocean of evangelism and to balance the growing influence of
globalization in which the youths are propelled to western culture. Suriname’s different races continue
to interbreed; many families or offspring are unsure what religion they belong to. Many youths do not
identify themselves as Muslim which is evident when we compare the 1980 and 2004 census of
religious distributions which shows that the Islamic population of Suriname has plummeted from 20%
to 13%.
Figure 1: Map of Suriname
23
Source: Suriname Country Overview, available at:
http://ec.europa.eu/comm/development/body/country/country_home_en.cfm?CID=sr&lng=en&type=home&status=
new#overview
Figure 2: Suriname Religious Affiliation
24
Suriname Religious Affiliation 1980
Indigenous 5.00%
Muslim 19.60%
Roman Catholic 22.80
Protestant 25.20%
Hindu 27.40%
Source CIA Factbook: Available on line at:
(http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact2005/fields/2122.html)
Suriname Religious Affiliation 2004
Islam 13.00%
Hinduism 20.00%
Chrisianity 41.00%
Other 10.00%
Not Reported 16.00%
Source: Suriname Bureau of Statistics: available on line at: (http://www.statistics-suriname.org/)
Figure 3: Map of India
25
Source: historical maps of India, available at: http://www.india-history.com/british-india/india-in-1919-1947.html
The ancestral home of Suriname’s Hindustani Muslim- majority came from the United Provinces and Bihar, North
India from 1873-1916.
26
Figure 4: First Muslims to arrive in Suriname from North India in 1873
NAME AGE SEX STATE OF ORIGIN
Hussein Baksh 3 M Allahabad
Goolam Ally Chand 20 M Gorakhpur
Elahi Baksh UN M UN
Deen Mohamed Hoolasy 30 M Lucknow
Rajab Ally 30 M Muzaffarpur
Shahab Ally Danno 17 M Allahabad
Najeeb Habeebullah 20 M Azamghar
Maksood UN M UN
Zoorab Mowlaye 18 M Basti
Kadeer Ali Baksh 20 M Gorakhpur
Khodabaksh Peer Khan 22 M Gorakhpur
Soogeea Edoos 27 F Mirzapur
Juman 5 M Mirzapur
Dilawar Moosan 30 M Fyzabad
Moosaheb Ghoorahoo 22 M Gorakhpur
Bhugmooneea Hunooman 23 F Azamghar
Miloodah Peer Baksh 20 F Jhaunpur
Elahi Peerbux 25 M Gaya
Khordear Thamahmood Khan 18 M Gaya
Khodabux Peerbux 16 M Allahabad
Hossen Bocus 3 M Allahabad
Muckdoom 8 M Allahabad
Muntoreea Dussoye 20 M Allahabad
Meer Peerally 40 M Gorakhpur
Wazirun Kareem Bocus 27 F Benares
Hazarun Goolab Khan 27 F Lucknow
Anayat Fatehally 40 M Barielly
Homrawo Neezamally 32 F Barielly
Wazeerrun Mohamad Khan 24 F Mirzapur
Emam Hasjenbux 30 M Jhaunpur
Moegul Jan Meersaheb 15 F Azamghar
Kallu 7 M Mirzapur
Zohorah 3 V Barielly
Anayatally 16 M Barielly
Akram Anayatally 5 M Barielly
Abdul Anayatally 7 M Barielly
Ameen Anayatally 9 M Barielly
Mohammad Madarin 25 M Mirzapur
Hooseneo Neetul 35 M Mirzapur
Attah Jufozool Hosfun 20 M Sewree
Runyan Bahadur Khan 33 M Lucknow
Aleembocus Korbau 25 M Lucknow
Deenally 20 M Gorakhpur
This list was compiled from the database below. Author’s discretion was used to correct the spelling of some names
what were beyond recognition. http://www.nationaalarchief.nl/suriname/base_hindo/introductie.html
27
Figure 5: Map of Java, Indonesia
Source: Available on line at: http://www.lonelyplanet.com/worldguide/destinations/asia/indonesia/
Java: The homeland of many Surinamese Muslims
Notes:
1 B. Ahmadali. Herziening Huwelijksrecht, in Dutch, The New Asian Marriage Act in Dutch.
http://www.geocities.com/ivisep/tijdschriften/nb200306.htm#huwelijkswet
2 M. S. A Nurmohamed. De Geschiedenis van de Islam in Suriname, SMA Handbook in Dutch, Suriname, August,
1985.pp. 14-15.
3 Rosemarijn Hoefte and Peter Meel, 20th Century Suriname, KITLV Press, Leiden, 2001
4 Dr. K. Gafoerkhan, paper presented at the 7th World Hindi Conference in Suriname, June 5-9, 2003.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid.
7 M. S. A Nurmohammed. De Geschiedenis, p. 14-15.
8 M. S.A Nurmohamed. De Geschiedenis Van De Islam in Suriname, SMA Handbook, August 1985, 50 Jaar
Surinaamse Moeslim Associatie 1950-2000, 50th Anniversary Handbook of SMA in Dutch, 2000 and De
Surinaamse Islamitische Vereniging Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam Lahore, SIV Handbook, July 1989,
Paramaribo.
9 De Surinaamse Islamitische Vereniging Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam Lahore, SIV Handbook, July 1989,
Paramaribo, p.18.
10 Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat-ul-Islam, Lahore. Available on line: http://www.muslim.org
11 M.S.A Nurmohamed. De Geschiedenis, p.19.
12 M.S.A Nurmohamed. De Geschiedenis.
13 De Surinaamse Islamitische Vereniging Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam Lahore, Handbook of SIV, July 1989,
Paramaribo, pp.18-
14 50 Jaar Surinaamse Moeslim Associatie 1950-2000, SMA 50th Anniversary Booklet, Paramaribo, 2000, p. 51.
15 Ibid., pp.51-57.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid., p.51.
20 Ibid., p.126.
21 Moch Nur Ichwan. “Prayer in the Surinam-Javanese Diasporic Experience,” ISIM Newsletter, No. 3, 1998.
22 Ibid.
23 P. Surparlan. The Javanese in Suriname in an Ethnically Plural Society. Arizona State University, 1995, p87.
24 Ibid., pp, 86-90.
28
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid.
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid.
29 Ibid.
30 De Ware Tijd, Newspaper in Dutch, Paramaribo, Suriname, November 11, 2003.
31 J. Schanzer, “Unforced Error,” New Republic, November 26, 2003 available on line:
http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC06.php?CID=687
32 P. Surparlan. Javanese in Suriname, p.134.
33 Ibid., p.225.
34 Ibid., p. 225.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Rosemarijn Hoefte. In Place of Slavery, a Social History of British Indian and Javanese Laborers in Suriname,
Univ. Florida Press, 1998, p. 177.
38 The Quran, The Asian Marriage Decree and the Practice, De Ware Tijd, May 17, 2002, and Al- Fajr, Paramaribo,
Suriname, July 7 2002, pp. 3-4.
39 Rosemarijn Hoefte. In Place of Slavery, a Social History of British Indian and Javanese Laborers in Suriname,
Univ. Florida Press, 1998, p. 177.
40 Ibid.
41 The Quran, The Asian Marriage Decree and the Practice, De Ware Tijd, May 17, 2002, and Al- Fajr, Paramaribo,
Suriname, July 7 2002, pp. 3-4.
42 Ibid.
43 Idid.
44 Ibid.
45 Ibid.
46 Ibid.
47 Ibid.
48 George, Goldy, M. The Dalit World of Injustice & Peacelessness, available on line:
http://daga.dhs.org/justpeace/reflective/dalit.html, May 26, 2006.
49 Ibid.
50 B. Mangru. Benevolent Neutrality, Basdeo Mangru. Benevolent neutrality : Indian government policy and labour
migration to British Guiana, 1854-1884 , Hansib Pub. London, 1987. and Gautam Mohan, K. The construction of
an Indian Image in Suriname, available on line: http://www.saxakali.com/indocarib/sojourner7c.htm, May 26,
2006
51 Moses, Seenarine. The continued Persistence of Caste and anti-caste Resistance in India and the Diaspora,
http://www.saxakali.com/indocarib/caste1.htm, May 26, 2006.
52 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Autobiography of an Indian Indentured Labourer-
Munshi Rahman Khan, Shipra, Delhi, 2005, p. 78.
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid., p.80.
55 Edward Dew. The difficult Flowering of Suriname. Vaco, Paramaribo, 1996.p.73.
56 Yoginder Sikand, hindutva ire vs Advani drama. The independent, http://independentbangladesh.
com/news/jun/10/10062005pa.htm, January 10th, 2006.
57 “Revivalist Movements in Hinduism,”
http://www.islam4all.com/THE%20REVIVALIST%20MOVEMENTS%20IN%20HINDUISM.htm
58 Nationwide ban on cow slaughter mooted, http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/1508200247.htm
59 Ibid.
60 Ibid.
61 Nationwide ban on cow slaughter mooted, http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/1508200247.htm and Hindu-
Muslim riots: A Summary, http://hindunete.org/alt_hindu/1994_2/msg00096.html
62 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Munshi Rahman Khan, p.194.
63 Y. Sikand, The Tablighi Jama‘at and Politics: A Critical Re-Appraisal, available on line:
http://www.islaminterfaith.org/may2005/article3.htm,
29
64 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Munshi Rahman Khan, p.255.
65 Ibid.
66 Ibid., p. 194.
67 Ibid., p. 195.
68 Ibid.
69 The Muslim/Hindu tension over “reconversion or cleansing,” and the “cow slaughtering” issues have been well
documented by Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh who have translated many documents
from Dutch to English. Autobiography of an Indian Indentured Labourer-Munshi Rahman Khan, Shipra, Delhi,
2005. pp, 254-255.
70 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Munshi Rahman Khan, p.201.
71 Ibid., p. 202.
72 Ibid., pp. 203 & 209.
73 Ibid., p. 204.
74 Ibid., p. 233.
75 Ibid., p. 214.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid.
78 Bal and Sinha-Kerkhoff writes that the cow issue was also burning in Corantijnpolder (Nickerie District) in 1929-
1930 which led to the outlawed of cow killing in Hindostanis dominated districts, p. 254.
79 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Munshi Rahman Khan, p.205
80 A. Jan Ali. Islam and Muslims in Fiji, Journal of Muslim Affairs, Vol. 24, No. 1, April 2004. p. 150
81 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Autobiography of an Indian Indentured Labourer-
Munshi Rahman Khan, Shipra, Delhi, 2005.p.197 made references to De Klerk, C.J.M. 1953 De Immigratie der
Hindostanen in Suriname, Amsterdam, Urbi et Orbi, and Biswamitre.
82 Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Ellen BAL and Alok Deo Singh. Munshi Rahman Khan, p.217.
83 Ibid., p. 78.
84 Dew, Edward. Flowering Suriname, p. 59.
85 Ibid., p. 60.
86 Ibid.
87 Dew Edward. Flowering Suriname, p. 63.
88 Ibid., p. 64.
89 Ibid.
90 P. Surparlan. Javanese Suriname, p.227.
91 Mohan K. Gautham. The Construction of Indian Image in Surinam (Part III), available on line at:
http://www.saxakali.com/indocarib/sojourner7c.htm
92 Edward, Dew. Flowering Suriname. p. 92.
93 Ibid., p. 94.
94 Ibid.
95 Ibid.
96 Ibid.
97 Ibid.
98 Edward. Dew. Flowering Suriname. p. 108.
99 Ibid., p. 106.
100 M. S. A Nurmohamed. De Geschiedenis Van De Islam in Suriname, SMA Handbook, August 1985, 50 Jaar
Surinaamse Moeslim Associatie 1950-2000, SMA 50th Anniversary Booklet, pub. 2000 and De Surinaamse
Islamitische Vereniging Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam Lahore, SIV Handbook, July 1989, Paramaribo.
101 De Ware Tijd, daily newspaper, Paramaribo, Suriname, Dec. 17, 2001
102 Ibid.
103De Ware Tijd daily newspaper, Paramaribo, Suriname, November 29,2003
104 Irna, Iranian News Agency, Tehran, Iran, December 11, 1997, and December 6, 1997.
105 Vernon Texel. “Suriname zal toescheidingsovereenkomst verlaten,” De Ware Tijd, September 9,2005,
http://www.dwtonline.com/website/nieuws.asp?menuid=37&id=9959
106 Signa Vianen, “Luchtvaartdienst toe aan introductie radarsysteem,” De Ware Tijd, August 5, 2005,
http://www.dwtonline.com/website/nieuws.asp?menuid=37&id=8468
30
107 Lorenzo Irion, “Radio Therapeutisch Centrum Suriname voor effectievere kankerbestrijding,” De Ware Tijd,
March 21, 2006, 21/03/2006, http://www.dwtonline.com/website/nieuws.asp?menuid=37&id=16578